French and British military forces aboard the helicopter-carrier Mistral arrived to the Sasebo naval port in Nagasaki, near the Tsushma Strait entrance to the Sea of Japan/East Sea, in exactly the same time-frame as the USS Carl Vinson’s entry into those waters along the east coast of the Korean Peninsula for naval exercises aimed at intimidating the DPRK leadership.
The simultaneity of arrival and entry was no coincidence, since this convergence of western naval power was planned as early as six months ago when Hillary Clinton was expected to win the U.S. presidency. This well-coordinated show of force against Pyongyang, and its allies Russia and China, discloses how Shinzo Abe (安倍 晋三) was the shrewd mastermind behind President Donald Trump’s abrupt decision to dispatch an “Armada” against the DPRK. Different presidents, same White House ploy.
Abe’s Decade of Foreign Intrigue
Here, Japanese foreign policy and military strategy during the “Abe Decade” is examined as a further extension of strategic concepts that have shaped a century of Japanese expansionism and more recently Japan’s secret nuclear-weapons program. The core ideas that guided Japanese militarism past and present have been suppressed or ignored by the western liberal policy establishment, which has attempted to subordinate Japanese power under postwar US hegemony, particularly through the US-Japan Security Alliance.
Abe has deftly subverted the bilateral alliance, which was originally intended to prevent Japanese rearmament and foreign aggression, as stipulated in the postwar Constitution, into the present-day military coalition supporting his geopolitical aggression.
In the current crisis Tokyo has “traded places” with Washington, with Abe calling the shots while the Trump administration obediently provides the cannon fodder. General Michael Flynn’s well-rewarded two-week fling in Tokyo, ostensibly to speak at a cyberwarfare briefing, hints at the Japanese government’s rampant corruption of American officials with cash and sexual favors, which immediately began at war’s end with General Douglas MacArthur’s mistress and his ambassador nephew’s homosexual trysts in the bathhouses of the Kabukicho 3-chome gay district arranged by Japanese intelligence agents.
Conventional assumptions of a US watchdog role to prevent Japanese militarism, long held by the American liberal establishment, no longer applies. It is critically important for regional players, especially South Korea, to begin to comprehend the master plan being unfurled over the map of East Asia by Prime Minister Abe.
His two terms as prime minister 2006-2007 and 2012-to-present, which can together be called the Abe Era (he is by now the most senior and prominent leader of the Western allies), can be divided into two different phases, which are modeled after the divergent wartime strategies of the Japanese Imperial Navy (大日本帝国海軍) and the rival Kwantung Army (関東庁Kwantung Military Bureau) in occupied Northeast China.
Knocking Down BRICS
While those twin geopolitical strategies have often overlapped, his first term as prime minister, a mere one-year span from September 2006 to September 2007, put priority on the “Southern Expansion Doctrine” (南進論), nanshin-ron or Southern Way, a geopolitical strategy of expansion into Southeast and South Asia promoted by the prewar Navy and pan-Asian ideologues. In late autumn 2007 Abe initiated the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue between Japan, the United States, Australia and India. As in the World War II, the objective was to bring India into the Japanese sphere as a major steppingstone toward military encirclement of China and to establish a midway link with European military allies in the Axis then and NATO today.
The immediate objective for Abe’s diplomacy was to cut India’s dependence on Russian defense and nuclear technology and Delhi’s financial and commercial ties with China. The Sino-Russian counter-move of establishing the BRICS group, however, posed a dire threat to his southern strategy. BRICS was essentially nullified in late 2014 by US-Japan support for the nuclear ambitions of the Hindu nationalist movement of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Meanwhile, Australia shifted from being a one-dimensional resource supplier for the Chinese industrial economy into an outspoken defense partner of the US and Japan to contain China’s military influence.
A Pioneering Model in Occupied Northeast China
Those successes for the Southern strategy then allowed Abe to focus his second term on the “Northern Expansion Doctrine” (北進論), Hokushin-ron or Northern Way). His return to power in December 2012 was due to the rival Democrats’ missteps on responding to the Fukushima nuclear crisis, which the Liberal Democrats have since managed to ignore through media censorship and suppression of critics under a state-secrets law. Cold-hearted neglect of radioactivity-displaced residents enabled Abe to spend generously on his foreign policy initiatives.
The Northern Strategy, focused on Northeast Asia and Siberia as Japan’s primary strategic resource base, was the guiding ideology of the Kwantung Army during its breakout from the Liaodong Peninsula (Dalian area) into the Northeast (Dongbei, Manchuria) followed by the offensive against the capital Peking. Abe’s grandfather Nobusuke Kishi (岸 信介) was the chief planner of this Utopian economic experiment, as an official with the South Manchurian Railway and then as economic minister of Manchukuo, and also as head of the Munitions Ministry.
The ideological foundations of the Northern Way were based on the Total War Sōryokusen (総力戦) concept during and after World War I devised by the General Staff of the German Army under Gen. Erich Ludendorff. Its Asian variant was adapted and promoted by a visiting Japanese Army artillery officer named Kanji Ishihara (石原 莞爾Ishiwara in German), who was tutored by top military strategists in Berlin. Colonel Ishihara organized the false-flag bombing of the Manchurian railway in Shenyang, known as the Mukden Incident (柳条湖事变 Liutiaohou Shibian). The army-controlled state of Manchukuo (滿洲國 Manzhouguo), enabled the Total War planners to start organizing an economy based on rational government-led centralized planning, as a model to replace the disorderly and wasteful corruption-prone finance capitalism in the Japanese homeland.
To the dismay of Ishihara and his disciple Kishi, however, the Imperial Army under General Hideki Tojo had more practical priorities of looting China, and relegated Northeast China into a military colony stripped of resources and run on slave labor. Furious at Tojo and the officer corps for their neglect of economic development, Kishi continued his experiments in central planning inside the wartime Munitions and Commerce Ministries, which became the models of state-directed economic growth led by the postwar Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI).
From Class-A war criminal for his monstrous crimes against the Chinese people, including his financing of the Unit 731 extermination project, Kishi was rehabilitated by the Dulles brothers to launch the Cold War in Asia and provide Japanese industrial support for the Korean War of 1951-1952. Then as prime minister, Kishi launched Japan’s “peaceful” nuclear program, which has since amassed one of the world’s largest stockpiles of plutonium.
The New Japanese Economic Sphere
It is his grandfather’s concept of master planning for regional economic development, led by Japanese ministries and implemented by large corporations and the military, which are at the heart of the Abe vision of reorganizing the Korean Peninsula, as the first step toward a China and Russian Far East under Japanese dominance. Following Donald Trump’s electoral victory in November 2016, Abe dumped his pledges about Crimea sanctions against Russia to push his proposal for redevelopment of Siberia through megaproject investments, including an oil-and-gas energy bridge from Sakhalin to Hokkaido, expansive agribusiness estates and urban development.
The Abe’s comprehensive blueprint for development stands in rivalry to Beijing’s Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). A major difference between the competing models is that the Chinese projects will be localized one-off projects controlled by foreign partners, whereas the Japanese proposals are interlinked within a vast network centered in Tokyo, similar to how the European Union has been dominated by German finance, investment and reallocation of local production.
The integration of East Asian economies is aimed at ending the ruinous industrial competition between rival national economies, for example, the fierce competition between Samsung and Sony, and instead assign specific roles and functions to each country within the grand economic network. For deeper consolidation to happen, however, geopolitical pressure must be applied against stubborn holdouts, particularly North Korea’s self-enclosed autarkic economy that resists Japanese penetration.
Likewise coordination within the EU also has its roots in Total War theory and German domination over Europe during World War II. The political struggles in Eastern Europe, especially Ukraine, are based on the attempt to impose European regional planning to replace Russian-style anarchic capitalism. Military power, and armed conflict, are essential to Total War strategy, as has been shown by NATO interventions in the Balkans and Ukraine and the replacement of weapons systems in former Warsaw Pact armies with American- or Euro-standard weaponry.
Voluntarily Playing into Abe’s Gameplan
The beginning of a long-term economic slowdown in China and South Korea, along with stagnation in North Korea and the Russian Far East, is creating a ripe environment for Abe’s incorporation of key economic sectors of East Asia into the Japanese master plan. Already, combined US-Japanese diplomatic pressure has halted China’s purchases of coal from North Korea, thereby expanding Chinese energy dependency on Australia for coal and aimed at forcing Pyongyang to eventually join the planned Japanese oil-and-gas network from Siberia. It is helpful here to recall that the EU began as a postwar coal-and-iron union of the Benelux nations to rival Soviet steel production in the Cold War.
Abe’s targeting of “rogue state” DPRK is similar to how West Germany and the United States focused their economic critique, human rights activism and military power against the German Democratic Republic (GDR, East Germany). Once that stubbornly resistant state fell, the rest of Eastern Europe blindly followed in joining the European Union and NATO. The Japanese expect that the fall of the Kim regime will cause a similar chain reaction in China and Russian Far East, as citizens, business leaders and local governments rally to a more efficient economic system than their own. The transition will be difficult, however, judging from the “shock therapy” administered to the Russian economy after the fall of the Soviet Union.
The key to convincing locals to accept a new system is soft power, especially indoctrination of academics, economists and state bureaucrats into American, European and Japanese industrial standards, work discipline, lifestyle expectations. and cultural values. This remolding of the “contemporary” Asian mind is by now complete with the erasing of Mao Zedong’s revolutionary liberation strategy and the relegation of Confucianism to the ancient past. Postwar Japan promotes the fusion pop cultural imperialism that has been adopted by younger generations of Asians, thereby removing any psychological barriers to Japanese products and corporate domination.
Japanese-inspired gaming has, of course, indoctrinated younger Asians into the necessity of killing non-compliant foes of “progress”, portraying them as zombies. As for psychological warfare, Abe was a devoted ally and organizer of the Aum Shinrikyo sect involved in the gassing of the Tokyo subways, and therefore completely comfortable with mind-control techniques.
Psychological Operation in Militarizing the Economy
One point that is conveniently forgotten in the EU is that the Ludendorff concept of a Total War economy is fundamentally based on the defense industry. In the EU, armaments makers like Krupp, Thyssen and Dassault are at the core of the European aircraft, aerospace and construction industries. Abe is firmly supported by the Mitsubishi group (his older brother is an executive), Sumitomo, Kawasaki, IHI, Nippon Steel and TEPCO, the core keiretsu (系列, economic combines) at the heart of Japanese military power and international strategy.
As a technology manager, Abe worked at Kobe Steel, but has since disguised the fact of his supervisory relationship with Hideo Murai on advanced military technologies. Murai later became the chief scientist of the Aum cult, involved with the Tokyo subway gassing. It is known that during his term at the JETRO trade office in New York, he was the manager in charge of a couple with the Aum cult, the husband a top gamer from Tokyo University who hacked the Pentagon networks and the wife a skilled translator formerly with an English-language newspaper in Japan.
The news media focus on the absurd retrogressive propaganda of the rightwing nationalist Nippon Kaigi (日本会議, Japan Conference) has diverted the attention of Asian policy experts from understanding that Japan’s geopolitical strategy is actually based on Total War theory, which despite constitutional guarantees of pacifism is rooted in brainwashing individuals in universities, their workplace, and through social engineering and the urban drug culture.
Most Chinese and Koreans, nearly all Asians for that matter, have an uncritically favorable opinion of the politeness, cleanliness and orderliness of Japanese society, which is very careful to hide its totalitarian practices of self-suppression, bullying dissenters, and ostracism of nonconformists. The Japanese are masters of manipulating superficial impressions. Our lives are a masked theater, a ritualized motion that disguises the memory of horrible crimes. We are so overtly religious because we are guilty, in the past and into the future. This is the key to understanding why Shinzo Abe must send offerings every spring and autumn to Yasukuni Shrine to appease the spirits of “patriots” who committed horrifying deeds to maintain the nation’s military supremacy.
The Great War to Come
Those tempted to assume the totalitarian concept is merely a type of “evolution toward peaceful economic development” need to realize that military strategist Kanji Ishihara saw Total War planning as the foundation for the Final War (最終戦争saishu senso) between major blocs, East and West. This global war of extermination was prophesized by the radical religious leader Nichiren (日蓮) in the 13th century and today revered as the saint of Japan’s Komeito Party (公明党 Clean Government Party) and its 12-million-strong mass organization Soka Gakkai (創価学会 Value Creation Society).
Once the Abe faction completes the integration of East Asia into the Total War economy, the next move will inevitably be to break relations with the West in preparation for the Final War to destroy it. Today’s allies gathering in Sasebo, including France, Britain and the United States, will soon be enemies to eradicate.
The seeds of the Final War have already been planted by Shinzo Abe. In his first term as prime minister, Abe held a summit with President George W. Bush at Camp David, where the two warmongering leaders pledged nuclear cooperation, stated only in the vaguest terms at the closing press conference. The transcript of their discussion has never been released. In the following year, US nuclear warheads were covertly shipped from Texas to Japan’s Fukushima plant for further plutonium enrichment as MOX fuel rods. On April 12, 2011, when Reactor 2 was reaching criticality and about to explode, foreigners secretly working at Fukushima were ordered to evacuate. These included GE workers from the United States, Israelis and in nearby Iwaki City contractors with France’s Areva and the British nuclear authority.
During 12 research visits inside the Fukushima nuclear exclusion zone, I have found radioactivity levels and local evidence of two major weapons-grade plutonium-processing facilities for warhead production and a tritium extraction site, indicating that the Japanese military has already amassed a nuclear force probably larger than Britain’s. Of course, not even a hint of this information is published or even discussed by Japan’s well-rewarded western friends in high positions of government and in the media. Instead, the western news agencies loudly scream about DPRK’s tiny nuclear program without ever asking why Pyongyang might need a deterrence against the vastly larger Japanese arsenal of warhead and missiles.
Not by coincidence, these same countries that aided Japan’s nuclear-weapons program are providing troops and warships for the current naval confrontation against the DPRK. One of the less known facts of history is that the Harriman-owned Union Pacific Railroad provided the engineering for the South Manchurian Railway and US Army advisers were assisting the Kwantung Army during the invasion of Northeast China. The US patronized Japanese militarism ever since JP Morgan Bank provided the loans for the battleships built for the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905. When Americans woke up on December 7, 1941, to hear news of the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor, the realization of their own folly came too late. Deception is thus the most important skill in theater and war, and Shinzo Abe is a master deceiver.
Yoichi Shimatsu, Senior Advisor and Contributing Editor for The 4th Media, was former editor with the Japan Times group in Tokyo, has conducted 12 radioactivity field studies inside the Fukushima nuclear exclusion zone since April 2011, one month after the start of meltdowns. His video documentary on Japan’s secret nuclear-weapons program in the Greater Fukushima complex will soon be released online.
The 4th Media